21 June 2011
Jim Williams and Bob Pease
22 May 2011
A Dirty Word
Mr. Gingrich, the former speaker of the House who led a conservative resurgence in the 1990's, said the Republican Medicare plan was "too big a jump" for Americans and compared it to the health care overhaul championed by President Obama.
"I'm against Obamacare, which is imposing radical change, and I would be against a conservative imposing radical change," Mr. Gingrich said . . . "I don't think right-wing social engineering is any more desirable than left-wing social engineering," he said. "I don't think imposing radical change from the right or the left is a very good way for a free society to operate."[1]
It would be hard to improve upon these few sentences in articulating a thoroughly middle-of-the-road position. In case there were any lingering thoughts that the "Gingrich Revolution" of 1994 signaled anything revolutionary about the man himself, Mr. Gingrich wishes to reassure us that he is fundamentally a compromising milquetoast--which is to say, he is a suitable Republican candidate.
The essence of Mr. Gingrich's position is that in the midst of rampant federal spending, meddling in the economy, and regulation of every aspect of citizens' lives--all of which has been increasing alarmingly for at least the last two presidential administrations--the proper position to take is: hold the line. The problem, according to Mr. Gingrich, is "radical change" itself, not whether changes are for good or ill.
The real evil of Mr. Gingrich's position can be found in the last words that I quoted: his reference to a "free society." The implication of Gingrich's statement is that anything "radical"--even the restoration of freedom and individual rights in America, which today is about as radical as anything I can imagine--would constitute an undesirable "imposition" upon citizens. I have made the point many times that Republicans are far worse than Democrats in that they ostensibly defend liberty, free markets, capitalism but then ultimately compromise the principles to which they give lip service. This is dreadfully destructive because it undermines liberty; it guarantees all the failures of the welfare state while ensuring that freedom gets the blame. At least Democrats have the honesty to be overt enemies of freedom.
The most alarming part of Newt Gringrich's remarks is that it makes me wonder if his calculations might be correct. He is surely a savvy politician so it is troubling that he has the confidence to present himself as a Washington compromiser in the face of a Tea Party movement that, though far from consistent, is the only bright spot in the political landscape. Can it really be true that so few Americans recognize the peril of the massive government intrusion--the precipitous withering of freedom--that has taken place under Bush-Obama? Can it be true that Republicans will rally around a message of compromise? I hope Mr. Gingrich has guessed badly.
I was encouraged by a recent Reuters special report (hat tip to HBL) that showed that conventional Republicans continue to be punished for plodding on with their compromising ways. The article hit the nail on the head: "The trouble is while compromise is a trademark of Washington politics, to many Tea Partiers it is a dirty word."[2]
The Reuters article included a cute quip that actually revealed more than it may have intended. "'The Ohio state Republican Party would screw up a free lunch in a soup kitchen,' said Ralph King of the Cleveland Tea Party."[2] Perhaps so. However, the real question is not why the Republicans would "screw up" a free lunch but why they are driven to offer a free lunch in the first place. A "free lunch" is a product and apt symbol of the "progressive" socialist policies that have plagued America off and on for more than a century. A "free lunch"--which constitutes the forced "redistribution" of property from those who have earned it to those who have not--is a symbol proudly held aloft by Democrats and (usually) rejected by Republicans. But to the continuing shame of Republicans, even as they decry the "free lunch" they give it moral sanction. Lip service aside, Republicans act at root upon the same principles of collectivism and sacrifice that underpin the Democrats: the idea that the needs of the poor, the elderly, the "underpriviledged," etc. trump the rights of individuals. Republicans routinely invoke the rights to life and liberty in their speeches but compromise at every turn, ultimately asking meekly for simply a little less sacrifice than their Democratic colleagues demand.
If the country is to be saved, it will not come about by simply taking the foot off the political accelerator pedal as we plunge toward a full-blown welfare state, which is what Republicans are currently offering. It will require a widespread cultural shift away from a morality that holds sacrifice as a virtue, either proudly or apologetically.
NOTES
1. “Gingrich Calls G.O.P.’s Medicare Plan Too Radical,” The New York Times, 15 May 2011, “http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/16/us/politics/16gingrich.html?scp=1&sq=Medicare%20Plan%20Too%20Radical&st=cse”.
2. "Special report: Stuck between the Tea Party and a hard place," Reuters, 17 May 2011, "http://mobile.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE74G37C20110517?irpc=932".
20 April 2011
Addendum to Movie Review: Atlas Shrugged Part 1
Having seen Atlas Shrugged Part 1 for a second time, I have a few more comments to add to my original review.
I still think Francisco’s character is totally wrong—too slouchy to convince me that there’s a vibrant, burning intelligence hiding behind the playboy façade—but I didn’t find him quite as objectionable as I did on the first viewing. (Maybe Jsu Garcia would have been better playing the part of Owen Kellogg instead of Francisco.) Dr. Akston’s character, on the other hand, seemed even worse than my original dismal estimation, exhibiting not only an inexplicable rudeness and hostility to Dagny but a manner that is fundamentally irrational and mystical. Even his clothing—a white, loose shirt and trousers—suggested this; I don’t remember if they showed his feet, but it would have been fitting for him to be as barefoot as a Buddhist ascetic. The character is more suited to shack up with Ivy Starnes than to roam the halls of Patrick Henry University.
The music, which I originally called only “sufficient,” actually rose substantially in my opinion, now that I paid a little more attention to it. I think it contributes to the drama more than I previously gave it credit for—especially now that I marked so many more failings in the script.
Ah, the script. The script is considerably worse than I first noticed, and in particular, the dialogue is atrocious. During my first viewing, while soaking up the visual presentation, I think I was “filling in the blanks” quite a lot, subconsciously supplementing an impoverished script because I know the novel so well. This time, the problems were much more apparent to me.
In some good articles I read I had come upon some criticisms of the language that gave as an example Dagny uttering, “That’s depressing.” I hadn’t remembered the dialogue being that bad, but sure enough, Dagny does indeed say, "That's depressing," . . . twice! (To my relief, Dagny and Rearden never resorted to “texting” each other, so there were no invocations of “LOL” or “OMG” in their discourse.) I cannot fathom why the filmmakers thought replacing Ayn Rand’s precise dialogue with a folksy and even ungrammatical vernacular would constitute an improvement. If they thought “people just don’t talk like that these days,” then that merely adds to the long list of reasons for them to have set the movie in the 1940’s or 1950’s. And more to the point, if “people just don’t talk like that these days,” it is because people just don’t think these days, and there is no better solution to that than to present Ayn Rand’s ideas directly.
However well-intentioned the filmmakers may have been, dumbing down the language as they did serves no positive purpose. It simultaneously underestimates the intelligence of the average person (thus exhibiting the elitism of leftists and neo-conservatives—an elitism, by the way, that Ayn Rand never showed, contrary to accusations of such), and destroys the very substance of the material: It dilutes the meaning of ideas, reduces (or reverses) the significance of events, and perhaps above all, compromises the stature of the heroes. If the intent was to “reach” people by making the message more palatable to a public accustomed only to shades of gray, the very most that can be attained is to succeed with the “reach” at the expense of the message. It is like an art collector who, in order to display a brilliant sculptor’s masterpiece to the public, crushes it into dust so that it will fit in the box to ship to the gallery.
One final comment. I discovered something about the scriptwriters’ point of view at the end of my second viewing that is so contrary to the novel and to Ayn Rand’s philosophy that it didn’t occur to me even as a possibility after my first viewing. I could be wrong about this, but I think the final moments of the movie provide evidence for it. (I wish I had a transcript; my memory of it is not very good.) Toward the end of the film there are two voice-over sections—when John Galt addresses Ellis Wyatt and when Dagny looks out at the fire and screams—that articulate something to the effect of Atlantis being a place with little or no government for the industrialists of the world to finally go live out their lives in peace and prosperity.
The first time I heard this I took it for an inept attempt to condense and simplify material that really ought not to be addressed until Part 3; I caught the libertarian, “small government” overtones but I was mostly appalled by the almost criminal giveaway of the story's mystery. But in my second viewing, it dawned on me that this point was presented as if it were wrapping things up. And if that is so, it struck me that the filmmakers seem to think that the Atlantis of the novel is the end goal, as opposed to a temporary haven—a paradise for producers, as opposed to a refuge from a world perishing from altruism. (Did they read all the way to the end of the book, or did they quit before Galt’s speech?) This is a grievous and unforgivable error, especially considering the mindless canard, often parroted, that Ayn Rand advocated some sort of utopian society populated solely by Nietzschean übermenschen. Hopefully, the movie will spawn enough interest in Atlas Shrugged for people to go read what Ayn Rand actually wrote.
17 April 2011
Movie Review: Atlas Shrugged Part 1
That sentence effectively summarizes my view of the new Atlas Shrugged Part 1 movie, which Lynne and I attended on Friday night, though the appraisal probably rings a little too negative. In fact, I thoroughly enjoyed the film, and contrary to my expectation, I did not spend the whole ninety minutes or so on pins and needles waiting for some outrageous corruption to emerge. (This was probably due to hearing some positive comments ahead of time from one or two of the handful of people that I would trust with such judgments.) On a scale of 0.0 to 10.0, I give the movie a score of 7.0, which is a good score indeed.
So why is my summary, “It could have been a lot worse,” instead of, say, “I liked it very much”? My praise is tempered by the failure of the film to capture even an inkling of the philosophical depth of the novel--but then again, that may be an impossibly high standard to expect in today’s culture. So, I didn’t expect it, which left me free to simply enjoy what the filmmakers did decently.
The audio-visual presentation was very pleasing. It was a thrill to see my favorite book come to life: the cityscapes of steel and glass; the rumbling thunder of wheels on Rearden metal; the awesome span of the bridge on the John Galt Line; the dark mystery of a rain-drenched stranger emerging from the shadows to speak unexpected words. As far as I remember, the music was, if not particularly notable, at least sufficient to support the drama. And what drama! It is almost impossible for me to distance myself from the book I know so well, but I believe the filmmakers succeeded in establishing the sense of adventure and suspense . . . without resorting to a car chase!
Another thing I liked was the casting of the two main characters, Taylor Schilling and Grant Bowler. Personally, I’ve always imagined Hank Rearden as being taller, more gaunt, and much more rigid--equal parts United States Marine, lumberjack, and Jesuit priest--but Mr. Bowler’s portrayal grew on me during the course of the movie. By the end, I was satisfied and convinced that he’s good for the part. (I’m not sure his stature and demeanor would have worked if the sex part had been done correctly, or if Francisco had been well cast, but more on that later.)
I liked Ms. Schilling’s Dagny very much right from the very beginning. She was smart, serious, and quite good-looking in exactly the same way that I’ve always imagined. She has really terrific legs, too, which did not fall short of my mental picture. (However shallow or superficial that observation may seem, I insist upon its importance in the character.) Lynne was a little irritated with Schilling’s manner of speech, calling her a “slow-talker,” but I was not bothered by that. I’m glad she was chosen for the part.
Some of the villains were well cast, too. Michael Lerner plays a convincingly vile Wesley Mouch, evoking the condescending malice of Ted Kennedy or Barney Frank. I also liked Patrick Fischler's performance as Paul Larkin. Fischler delivers one of the most memorable lines of the film, provoking laughter from the audience. Rearden: “I am out just to make money.” Larkin, with a wry smile: “But you’re not supposed to say it.”
Above all, and somewhat paradoxically, I believe setting the film in a time that is already gone would have made its moral message more apparent. The ordinariness--the sheer familiarity--of setting it essentially in today’s world tends to emphasize merely the prophetic nature of the novel, at the expense of its morality. The concrete events and political conditions in the movie ring too true with today’s world; the viewer might walk away thinking that Atlas Shrugged is simply a criticism of Bush-Obama politics as opposed to a complete philosophical treatise grounding freedom in metaphysical facts. Conveying the essence of Atlas Shrugged in movie form is difficult enough, but it seems insuperable to convince general movie audiences of its universality and timelessness without first severing their complacent hold upon the familiar.
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